Clarifications on Mutsvangwa’s utterances

MOTOR-MOUTH: Chris Mutsvangwa
By Reason Wafawarova
- The False Allegation Regarding General Chiwenga and Mary Mubaiwa:
It is incorrect to suggest that General Chiwenga was directly or indirectly responsible for the medical condition that led to his ex-wife’s amputation. While their divorce and post-divorce matters were highly contentious, exploiting Mary Mubaiwa’s suffering for political mileage is just as reprehensible as the alleged abandonment of an ill person in their time of need.
- The Misrepresentation of Presidential Clemency:
It is also misleading to claim that General Chiwenga blocked President Mnangagwa from granting Mary Mubaiwa clemency. On April 14, 2022, Magistrate Lazini Ncube found Mubaiwa guilty of fraudulently attempting to upgrade her customary marriage and sentenced her to a one-year prison term. However, due to her health condition, the court ruled out both a custodial sentence and community service, instead ordering her to pay a fine of ZW$60,000.
The Clemency Act, commonly known as the Presidential Pardon, applies only to custodial sentences, not fines. Since the court had already accounted for Mubaiwa’s ill health in its ruling, there was nothing for the President to pardon. Mutsvangwa’s claim is therefore a blatant attempt to manipulate the Mubaiwa case to tarnish General Chiwenga’s image and falsely portray him as a misogynist to alienate him from female voters.
- The Attack on General Chiwenga’s Academic Credentials:
Mutsvangwa asserts that General Chiwenga lacks the intellectual capacity to be a military general, citing his strong Shona accent—specifically his tendency to replace the “L” sound with an “R” sound in English.
However, linguistic nuances do not determine intelligence. The late Professor Sheunesu Mupepereki, a respected University of Zimbabwe lecturer and TV presenter, also had a strong Shona accent and pronounced “L” as “R”—as did many others. That did not make him any less intellectual.
Furthermore, while General Chiwenga may have retaken one or two compulsory military courses, he successfully completed all the required training necessary for his promotions, eventually rising to a Five-Star General. By 1997, he was already a Three-Star General, but the DRC military operation was designated as a Two-Star General assignment, which is why my late uncle, General Amoth Chin’ombe, was given the command.
To suggest that Chiwenga was sidelined due to “illiteracy” is both ignorant and dishonest. At the time, the Zimbabwe National Army had at least ten generals. Were they all supposed to lead the DRC mission?
Moreover, despite his accent, General Chiwenga holds a PhD in Ethics, a peer-reviewed thesis completed over four years at an accredited South African university.
- Mutsvangwa’s False Claims About Mugabe’s Role in the Liberation Struggle:
Previously, Mutsvangwa made the ridiculous claim that Robert Mugabe was a coward who lived in luxury in Maputo while others trained in military camps. This ignores the fact that Mugabe was already 53 years old in 1977—an age well beyond standard military training requirements. What serious army trains 53-year-olds for active combat?
Now, Mutsvangwa claims Chiwenga was a “useless busybody” in Tanzania, only joining the war effort in late 1977 and leading “high school dropouts” instead of “intellectuals” like himself.
This is historically inaccurate. Neither Mutsvangwa nor the young recruits who left high school to fight were “intellectuals”—they were freedom fighters. And the true leaders of the war saw fit to make Dominic Chinenge (now General Chiwenga) their commander.
If Mutsvangwa insists on questioning others’ war records, perhaps the Zimbabwean public deserves answers about his own war history:
What was his Chimurenga war name?
Which front was he deployed to, and with whom?
Where was he during the Lancaster House Conference, and what role did he play?
What degrees did he obtain after the war, and from which institutions?
- Distorting Liberation War Training Facts:
Mutsvangwa should educate the youth with factual history instead of distorting it for personal gain. He must clarify:
Who trained in Zambia, Tanzania, and Mozambique, and for what reasons?
Who trained in Bulgaria, Libya, Romania, and Yugoslavia, and when?
Why was each training location chosen, and what was the strategic objective?
His false claim that Abel Muzorewa sent troops for training in Libya is so absurd that it doesn’t even warrant serious discussion.
- The Reality of the 2017 Coup and Military Involvement
Mutsvangwa now falsely credits himself as the mastermind behind Mugabe’s removal in November 2017.
The truth is:
While he played a role, it was as a foot soldier, not the architect. His contributions were commendable in the right context, but they were not decisive.
The military was never neutral after November 6, 2017, when Mnangagwa was fired as Vice President.
In fact, from September 11, 2017, when war veterans were attacked by police, the army had already decided to protect them and neutralize the police.
This explains why Victor Matemadanda made the famous statement, “It can’t.”
Mutsvangwa’s claim that General Happyton Bonyongwe was about to arrest army generals before the coup is also a lie.
When George Charamba wrote “Chine vene chinhu ichi” (“This thing has its owners”), he was speaking from inside knowledge of military discussions at KGVI Barracks.
I, too, was informed at the time—as I am today.
- The Military’s Current Position:
Mutsvangwa suggests that the military is neutral today. That is false.
The military is deeply concerned about:
Rampant corruption:
The influence of self-serving politicians like Douglas Mahiya and Christopher Mutsvangwa
The role of economic elites (Zvigananda) in Zimbabwe’s power structure
If events unfold today and the military facilitates a shift in power, Mutsvangwa will pretend he was playing a strategic role all along. If nothing happens, he will claim he was right all along.
But let me be clear: the military is not standing by idly. There is no neutrality—far from it.
The 2030 agenda has been overshadowed by the 2025 agenda.